AS POLITICAL theatre, America’s party
conventions have no parallel. Activists from
right and left converge to choose their
nominees and celebrate conservatism
(Republicans) and progressivism (Democrats).
But this year was different, and not just
because Hillary Clinton became the first woman
to be nominated for president by a major party.
The conventions highlighted a new political
faultline: not between left and right, but
between open and closed (see article). Donald
Trump, the Republican nominee, summed up
one side of this divide with his usual pithiness.
“Americanism, not globalism, will be our credo,”
he declared. His anti-trade tirades were echoed
by the Bernie Sanders wing of the Democratic
Party.
America is not alone. Across Europe, the
politicians with momentum are those who
argue that the world is a nasty, threatening
place, and that wise nations should build walls
to keep it out. Such arguments have helped
elect an ultranationalist government in Hungary
and a Polish one that offers a Trumpian mix of
xenophobia and disregard for constitutional
norms. Populist, authoritarian European parties
of the right or left now enjoy nearly twice as
much support as they did in 2000, and are in
government or in a ruling coalition in nine
countries. So far, Britain’s decision to leave the
European Union has been the anti-globalists’
biggest prize: the vote in June to abandon the
world’s most successful free-trade club was
won by cynically pandering to voters’ insular
instincts, splitting mainstream parties down the
middleNews that strengthens the anti-globalisers’
appeal comes almost daily. On July 26th two
men claiming allegiance to Islamic State slit
the throat of an 85-year-old Catholic priest in a
church near Rouen. It was the latest in a string
of terrorist atrocities in France and Germany.
The danger is that a rising sense of insecurity
will lead to more electoral victories for closed-
world types. This is the gravest risk to the free
world since communism. Nothing matters more
than countering it.







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